RELAX, PRESIDENT UHURU KENYATTA, RELAX!

The Founding President Jomo Kenyatta did it, so did Mwai Kibaki. Now, Uhuru Kenyatta is doing it.

I am talking about insults, slurs, and profanities that spew out of lips of our nation's Chief Executive. Only the second President Daniel arap Moi was respectful enough not to use foul language against his opponents.

Apart from calling his opponents "vinyang'arika" (minnows) and "snakes", Jomo Kenyatta was known to refer to the woman's anatomy with abundance.

President Kibaki, on the other hand, was generous with callous phrases such as "mavi ya kuku," chicken poop; "bure kabisa, completely useless;" and "pumbafu," stupid; in referring to ideas and people he disagreed with.

Uhuru is walking the same road of dirty, repulsive oratory, and going through fits of insensate fury that are uncalled for. Referring to other politicians as "devils" and "foolish" does not help his moral credibility.

His recent outbursts against opposition officials were not only un-presidential but explicitly hostile. They left Kenyans wondering about the suitability, or otherwise, of candidate Uhuru in this year's elections. No wonder Kenyans flooded the social media to question the President's temperament and sensitiveness.

Leaders are expected by the populace to display humility, tolerance, and unshakable calm at all times, but more so during this high-charged period when the political temperature is at its peak and everyone is pumped up over the upcoming polls.

The President did not have to be finicky about the remarks by the Governor of Turkana nor react the way he did to the spiel of the Mombasa Governor.

He would have won points in statesmanship if he had just ignored them or dismissed them with a brush of hand, but his unvarnished rhetoric did the opposite: it left the President with an egg on the face and unnecessarily boosted the popularity of the two opposition politicians.

There is no doubt Uhuru is queasy about the outcome of the polls and the events that could follow. Memories of 2007 and 2013 must be haunting him.

Moreover, recent disclosures of a scheme to hack electoral systems and the widespread mischief seen during the registration of voters point to some dirty tricks cooking in a pot that must worry everyone. That is why it was so important for the President to reassure Kenyans this week that the elections will be free and fair.

Nevertheless, it is increasingly becoming apparent that ongoing political events - marred by violence and hate speeches - could create problems for the country after August 8. But this situation could be reversed if we all sober up to the realization that an election is a contest of popularity not a call to arms.

Having said that, respect begets respect. If those opposite the ruling Jubilee party - and vice versa - want to be respected they must extend the same to their nemesis.

One thing I must say however. Respect for the presidency - the highest office in the land - is non-negotiable.

And that is my say.

GOVERNOR JOHO'S DREAMS REMAIN JUST THAT: DREAMS

A revitalized and bubbly Governor Ali Hassan Joho of Mombasa County jetted back from America some days ago after a two-week long meeting of the Strong Cities Network (SCN) that brought together mayors, municipal-level policy makers and practitioners.

The SCN was launched in 2015 with the aim of "building social cohesion and community resilience to counter violent extremism in all of its forms."

This year's assembly was the first for Joho. At the Washington DC meeting, he was incorporated into the International Steering Committee. Members to the committee were not selected for their knowledge, skills, or credentials in fighting violent extremism, but for purposes of achieving regional balance.

Last year, the meeting was officiated by Attorney General Loretta Lynch and Secretary of State Kerry. This year, the Washington DC parley was attended by low to middle level officials from the Department of Homeland Security.

For Joho, the meeting was not as important as the visit itself. It was a personal victory for a man who in 2010 appeared on the US list as one of six Kenyan Members of Parliament allegedly involved in drug trafficking. Therefore, no one expected him to ever step in the United States. But he did.

Interestingly, Joho has been attracting a lot of interest at home in recent months not only from his opponents in Jubilee but from within his own party, the Orange Democratic Party. While the former sees him as a spoiler of votes in a traditionally opposition stronghold, the latter views him as the man to watch beyond 2017.

Joho is a self-made politician and a millionaire who sprang out of a garbage collection business. He is popular among his party supporters on the island but is yet to reach the level of a Coast political kingpin - as some of his supporters claim he is.

For now, he is only a local politician with a local agenda who has built a name for himself nationwide through some crude political maneuvering.

Politically, the Kenyan Coast is a highly complex region because of its unique demographics. Residents there come from all ethnic groups in the country making it difficult for anyone to make a sensible election prediction.

But no one has controlled the politics of the region without a grip of the Mijikenda, the largest cluster of communities in the region.

Joho's ethnic origin is not from any of the nine Mijikenda tribes. It has Arab connections. His support in the city comes from descendants of past Arab sultans, former slave masters, and upcountry supporters subscribing to his Orange Democratic Movement.

As Governor, his boisterous persona does not match the subterranean conditions in the coastal city. Anyone approaching the island is met with streets blighted with trash. The place literally stinks. When it rains the island turns into a lake with floating raw sewage and murk; and during dry weather it turns into a carpet of dust. Most of the roads under his jurisdiction are in a pathetic state.

Since he became Governor, Joho has tried but failed to rein in widespread corruption in the county. He has sacked a few low level staff but sleaze dominates his County Assembly and the Executive. A frequent shortage of water in the city has become a chronic problem, while youth unemployment has festered into a ripe boil entrapping thousands of young people into a net of illicit drugs consumption.

His Vision 2035 supposedly intended to transform Mombasa into some kind of "Dubai" with high rise buildings and rolling highways remains a dream because of intractable land issues stemming from historical injustices and the absence of sound ideas and visions.

Joho's other

dream is to vie for the presidency in 2022. While it is not wrong to dream, he must first overcome the hurdle that is before him now; that of being re-elected in the August polls.

Mombasa watchers say Joho only won last time because he had a Mijikenda partner as a running mate. Now, with three other non-Mijikenda contenders on the ballot - all scrambling for Mijikenda poll partners and votes - the stakes are high for the Governor seat in Mombasa.

My view is that Joho must move beyond bluster and platitudes if he wants to advance politically and compete in the top league. He must work towards expanding his base from the townspeople to the Mijikenda voters on the fringes of the island and beyond.

He cannot rely on Raila Odinga's supporters. He must acquire his own. Only then can he have a chance to play in the First Division.

Otherwise, his dreams will remain just that: dreams.

And that is my say.

MESS WITH THESE TWO KENYAN ICONS AT YOUR OWN PERIL

If there are two people Kenyan politicians must not mess with, it is the former President Daniel Arap Moi, and Mama Ngina, wife of founding father Jomo Kenyatta and mother of incumbent President Uhuru.

Apart from their overarching dominance in many spheres of life, these two iconic personalities also have the resources and wherewithal to make or break political careers.

Just look at those who abandoned Moi's cabinet in a huff in 2002 for the budding Rainbow Coalition: Raila Odinga, Simeon Nyachae, Kalonzo Musyoka, Moody Awori. They all had presidential ambitions but by throwing epithets at the president as they dashed to the popular movement their political future was shattered.

Every time they chanted the demeaning song, Yote Yawezekana bila Moi (All is possible without Moi), the KANU leader was paying attention and quietly working to finish them.

Also in the same category was Martha Karua, the one time presidential candidate who walked out of Moi's meeting in a dramatic show of arrogance and defiance in June 2001. If you saw Moi's facial expression on that day you would know he was not amused by Karua's theatrics.

Then the Moi "students" - the Youth for Kanu '92 stalwarts: William Ruto, Kipruto Kirwa, and Cyrus Jirongo. They were discovered by Moi, nurtured by Moi and enriched by Moi. After coming of age they grew wings and abandoned the "professor of politics."

They may be wealthy now but since they left Moi's crib, they have only made baby steps towards their goal of reaching the top.

Jirongo has reached the pinnacle of his political career and Ruto's presidential ambition has virtually collapsed, thanks to Moi's divide and rule strategy. Kirwa is just now resuscitating himself after ten years in the cold, his confidence battered, his political future blurred.

The career of Paul Muite, a one time presidential candidate and a fiery politician, would have taken a different trajectory had he not been so fiercely and publicly critical of Uhuru and the Kenyatta family. His career ended abruptly and he was forced back to his legal profession. The same fate befell former MPs and presidential candidates Charity Ngilu and Koigi wa Wamwere.

In November last year, Karua repeated the same mistake he made 16 years ago by walking out of Uhuru's meeting in an outraged fury while flashing a two-finger salute of his NARC party.

With that brazen display of bravado her presidential ambition was extinguished and her bid for the governorship of Kirinyaga became moribund. The Kenyattas would not allow her to win. Moreover, one of her opponents is Uhuru's close confidante former Devolution Minister Anne Waiguru. Unless Waiguru quits or is disqualified Karua has no chance.

When Moi chose Uhuru to replace him he did so for a number of reasons. One, he wanted someone who could shield him from possible criminal charges over a myriad issues. Two, he wanted someone he could manipulate. And three, he wanted someone who could protect the Moi name and preserve his legacy.

So far, Uhuru has done well to meet Moi's expectations.

The recent meetings between Moi and Mama Ngina and between Moi and Uhuru were not accidental. They were strategic and a show of familial might. The aftermath of those meetings will reverberate for a long time to come.

Now, here is my prediction: Uhuru will be the president after August 8. That does not mean he will have won fairly at the ballot box.

The opposition will lose because Mzee Moi and Mama Ngina will not allow them to win.

William Ruto, on the other hand, will continue as deputy president but he will have a diminished role in the second Jubilee Administration.

Conversely, Moi's son, Gideon, will be rewarded with a powerful position in the Cabinet and his popularity will soar.

He will be what G. G. Kariuki was to Moi and Chris Murungaru to Kibaki. He will be "president-in-waiting." He will understudy the incumbent. Thereafter, his path to State House will be unstoppable as the Kalenjin nation will rally behind him.

How about Ruto? I predict the amiable politician will be a lame-duck deputy president, his influence will dwindle and eventually the man will be vanquished. Five and half years from now his name will not be on the presidential ballot.

Like a bull elephant, Moi does not forget. All those splenetic politicians who bad-mouthed him while he was at the helm will pay for their sin one way or another as long as the former president is around.

And that is my say.

NO RAILA, ON THIS ONE, YOU ARE "OFF THE MARK"

In the heat of the American presidential campaign last year Donald Trump threatened to jail his opponent Hilary Clinton if he became president. He accused her of endangering national security through "careless" handling of official e-mails while she was Secretary of State.

The reaction from the media was one of shock and condemnation. Some compared the Republican Party candidate to Russia's Joseph Stalin; others to 'Third World' despots; others called him a 'tin-pot dictator' saying democratically-elected leaders do not intimidate their opponents.

We have heard many similar threats from African dictators, but for a man like Raila Odinga to express similar thoughts if he wins the August elections defies imagination. The unvarnished remarks raised eyebrows last week and caused ripples in the pond among good-spirited nationals.

Speaking in his Nyanza stronghold the leader of the broad-based National Super Alliance, NASA, said he would not spare those linked to plunder and corruption and pointed his finger directly at the ruling Jubilee leaders. He said he would prosecute them.

I understand Raila's concerns. In normal circumstances that would be the way to go. But let us look at the broader picture.

If there is one Kenyan with the strongest democratic credentials in the country that man is Raila Odinga. He has spent all his life fighting for a level playing ground, and paid for his troubles with three detention stints totaling almost nine years - the longest in the country's independent history

He knows about revenge because he experienced it during Jomo Kenyatta's and Daniel Arap Moi's regimes when his father and himself were punished just for opposing one party rule.

He is a pugnacious democrat but also an unflinching patriot. Like many Kenyans he means well for the country. But as noted above democrats don't do such unconventional things.

That corruption is rampant in Uhuru's Administration is not in question, but the same can be said of the previous regimes, one of which Raila served as Prime Minister.

If we are to talk about prosecuting people in Uhuru's government we must do the same to all the others starting with those who served in Jomo Kenyatta's regime. We must round up all the land grabbers, the looters, and the thieves of the past. And not just in government but in all sectors of society.

We must go through the Ndungu Commission on Irregular Land Allocations; the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission, all reports on land clashes, all massacres, all extra-judicial killings, all political assassinations, all corruption scandals, examine all county executives, scrutiniz

e every member of parliament, and so on, and hold the culprits accountable.

In a nutshell, we must indiscriminately prosecute and jail all those found guilty from day one of our independence.

Singling out the leadership of Jubilee is discriminatory, selective, and counter-productive. It percolates turmoil and incites hatred.

Kenya is thoroughly divided at the moment. Suspicion and angst have permeated our society so much so it is a miracle we are still one nation.

In such an environment the country would be wise not to resort to political revenge or retribution.

It is easy in the vicissitudes of politics to make populist statements like the one Raila made, but bringing charges against opponents in a manner that looks vindictive is not a smart move. It smells of hate.

Even Trump - after a second thought - walked away on his threat against Clinton, worried the move could further divide the nation.

So, while I understand the need to correct mistakes of the past, such a move must be broad-based and all-encompassing, and not restricted to the incumbent leadership.

In my view, therefore, Raila went off the mark on this one.

And that is my say.

UHURU KENYATTA USES OLD MOI TRICKS TO WIN VOTES

It is grindingly dizzying to see what Uhuru Kenyatta is doing months to the general elections.

Some of the initiatives the President has announced are so astonishingly outlandish in terms of expenditure that it's difficult to imagine how a country with a 900 billion shilling budget deficit could be so unabashedly extravagant.

Kenyans are already heavily indebted to local and international lenders and recent reports aver each one of us has a price tag of 59,000 shillings.

But this is an election year and the ruling Jubilee government is stretching itself wide and high to ensure it wins a second term in office.

However as one popular columnist likes to say, things are elephant, for Jubilee, as the opposition ramps up its campaign rhetoric.

Call it political expediency.

But should development be based on genuine goals and intentions or on flamboyant show-offs to win power at any cost?

Take the multi-billion shilling mass transport system for Nairobi announced last week. Everyone agrees that the capital city is too congested on pedestrian and vehicular traffic and a faster and a more efficient system of transportation is required to move people.

The long lines of cars in and out of Nairobi often paralyze movement with adverse consequences to the economy. Travelers to and from the airport are delayed and commuters are heavily inconvenienced, all this costing everyone money. So, a mass transportation system makes sense.

But the timing even for the announcement itself is wrong.

The economy is in shambles; tens of thousands of people are dying of hunger; public hospitals are shut down due to a doctors' strike now in its third month. The majority of people do not have affordable health, hunger is everywhere, and water scarcity is widespread pushing women and children to drink contaminated water. Unemployment is hitting the roof and money has gone south.

In a nutshell, life has become a matter of survival for Kenyans. This week, the price of fuel went up for the umpteenth time, ratcheting the standard of living to unmanageable levels.

Everyone knows Jubilee wants to snatch control of the capital Nairobi from opposition hands. But intoxicating Kenyans with staggering financial commitments during these hard times is morally wrong even if reports indicate some of the funds will come from donors.

That is one. The other is the long-drawn saga of doctors' strike.

As I write, the government is preparing new pay packets for 600,000 civil servants whose salaries and house allowances are to go up. Twenty-six billion shillings have been budgeted for that purpose.

There is nothing wrong for civil servants to get an occasional pay increase. But how about the doctors who fall under a different category? Why cant we just sort them out once and for all instead of playing roulette with human lives.

This week their leaders spent a few nights in jail for disobeying a court order to return to work. That was a sacrifice they had to make to drive home their demands.

Unfortunately, the strike has now been politicized, thanks to the government's obstinacy.

The new pay scales for civil servants' salary - to be released in July, a month to the polls - sound like an election strategy to win favor from this large group of workers.

Newspapers are already speculating that this year's budget will be an 'election budget' with the government allocating huge amounts of money for pet projects between now and election day to lure votes.

Another example of political expediency was the decision a few weeks ago to create the 43rd tribe in Kenya by extending citizenship to 5,000 Makonde tribesmen. If this was not a scheme to corruptly lure the Mozambiqans to vote for Jubilee then I don't know what it is.

These people refused to return home despite pleas from their Embassy. The ease in which they were given Kenyan citizenship is baffling. My view is that Kenya has no business nationalizing them.

Why haven't the Nubians from South Sudan who have been in Kenya since the end of World War not been equally recognized for nationalization? Is it because they reside in an opposition stronghold and are unlikely to vote for the ruling party?

Then, there is the circus of title deeds. Every time elections beckon there is heightened vigor on the part of the ruling regime to distribute titles to the landless even if some of them are fake. This time around things are not any different.

Usually once the incumbent wins, the titles momentarily become useless not honored by banks and disputed by lands authorities.

Any move to dangle 'goodies' in front of people in exchange for votes is corruption. It is an old trick inherited from Mzee Moi that has no place in our political life today

.

And that is my say.

DUMP JUBILEE, DITCH NASA, GO 'SMALL' AND ELECT THE MAN FROM TURKANA

Two observations Kenyans have often shared relate to the political domination of certain tribes in the leadership of the country and associated concerns over the growing build-up of ruling dynasties.

Fact: Kikuyu and Kalenjin are the only tribes that have ruled Kenya for the past 50 years.

If the Jubilee duo of Uhuru Kenyatta a Kikuyu, and William Ruto a Kalenjin, retain the Executive in August and hold on to power for the next 15 years as their hearts desire, then by 2032 the two tribes would have ruled Kenya for 70 years.

According to the battle plan of the ruling Jubilee party, Uhuru will trounce the opposition in the coming general elections, govern for a second five-year term, then hand over to his Deputy to rule for ten years.

As far-fetched as this might sound, the thought of Kenya being dominated by two communities for a whole generation is not only scary but induces a feeling of vertigo.

When will an Orma, a Masai, a Mijikenda, or

any of the other smaller tribes ever get a chance?

On the other hand, should Jubilee lose and one of the key opposition principals wins, then the chain of dual domination would be broken. It means either Raila Odinga a Luo, Kalonzo Musyoka a Kamba, Musalia Mudavadi a Luhya, or Moses Wetangula a Luhya, of the new alliance NASA, will unhinge the conundrum of tribalism that for five decades has influenced Kenyan politics.

That brings me to the growing power of political dynasties. If former President Daniel Arap Moi had not crowned Uhuru in 2002, things would probably not have turned out to be what they are today.

George Saitoti, half Kikuyu and half Masai, was ready to serve so was Raila and others in KANU but they were not given a chance as Moi preferred Uhuru, scion of his much revered predecessor.

But even before Kasarani, it was Moi who brought in Musalia Mudavadi, Katana Ngala, and Ken Mmaitsi into the political arena to inherit seats left vacant by the death of their fathers who were among the President's close allies. The last two had to abandon university studies to honor Moi's wishes. That, to my opinion, was the beginning of the dynasty formation.

And when in 2007 he encouraged his sons Jonathan, Raymond and Gideon, to vie for political seats, it was a further reaffirmation of Moi's desire to keep politics in the hands of his and a few powerful families.

Gideon's ambition to ascend to the highest office in the land is still intact and the families of Kenyatta and Moi are still tight as seen recently in the visit to the former President by Uhuru's mother, Mama Ngina Kenyatta. Whether the meeting had political connotations is yet to be seen but speculation is rife that Gideon's KANU may support Uhuru's candidature.

In the meantime, the dynastic epidemic is spreading faster than most people think. Both Uhuru and Ruto are preparing their sons to enter politics and hopefully take over when they leave. Raila's daughter, Rosemary, has already plunged herself into the political murk as a candidate for a seat her father once held. Both Raila's brother and sister are prominent members of the political elite. Kalonzo Musyoka is not far off. He too is training his son to enter politics.

What this means is that if things continue as they are, the only people who will govern Kenya will be members of elite families all the way up to the end of the century and beyond.

Kenyans can do something about this. And the solution is as simple as it is translucent. Let us ditch all those mentioned above and embrace the common business promotional meme: 'small is big.'

Until now, the 'big' (in numbers) has been overshadowing the 'small' to an extent the latter has become invisible.

Let me explain further. There is a 'small' candidate out there we have been ignoring who deserves our attention. His name is Ekuru Aukot.

This 43-year old man comes from the pastoralist Turkana village of Kapedo in northern Kenya, one of the remote, forgotten regions. Until oil was discovered there a few years ago, the region was known only as a cattle rustlers' paradise where clans fought for control of pasture and water.

But even with the oil, the Turkana community is 'voiceless' and under threat of diminishing due to perennial famine and hunger. It is a hardship station which the British colonialists used as the detention point for Jomo Kenyatta and five of his colleagues in the heydays of the Mau Mau rebellion.

Yet despite all its backwardness, the community was able to produce a person who went to become a constitutional lawyer with a reputation that goes beyond the Kenyan borders. As a consultant in demand, he has helped half a dozen countries review their constitutions, and served in the same capacity in Kenya.

With a PhD from the UK-based University of Warwick, Aukot is the most educated presidential candidate ever. His anti-corruption stance is known. And because he comes from a small tribe, he believes tribalism has no place in Kenya. He is charismatic, brilliant, and is blessed with down-to-earth charm.

If there is one man who can tackle corruption and reform the way the Executive, Parliament, and the Judiciary, conduct business, it is Aukot.

This man could be the double-sword solution we are looking for. If elected President through his Thirdway Alliance, Aukot could be the one to slay the dynasty concept and extinguish the trail of tribalism that is eating our country from within.

Just think about it.

And that is my say.

AMINA'S DEFEAT A PERSONAL BLOW TO UHURU KENYATTA

Two significant events occurred this week in the eastern African region that stewed emotions and anger of Kenyans in equal measure.

One was the murderous attack on members of the Kenya Defens

e Force (KDF) by suicide bombers of the terrorist group Al Shabaab at a remote outpost called Kulbiyow, 18 kilometers from the Kenyan border, that stirred memories of past terror attacks.

The other was the voting of the Chairman of the African Union (AU) Commission in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, an event which brimmed with geo-political undertones, connivance, and intrigues.

The early morning explosions left unspecified number of Kenyan soldiers dead, and brought to the fore once again, the menace of terrorism in a country which has seen numerous terror attacks in past years with deadly consequences. The attack also reinforced the message to the world that Al Shabaab, a branch of Al Queda, is alive and active despite reports that it was diminishing and on the run.

The buzz it created in the media rekindled a critical debate regarding Kenya's presence in a country that has not seen peace since the overthrow of dictator Siad Barre in 1991.

Why should Kenya sacrifice its soldiers in Somalia? Many asked. And, why don't Kenyans walk away and leave Somalia to deal with its own internal insecurities?

Kenyan authorities do not want to discuss these questions for various reasons. One, it has to do with its own safety. Nairobi's thinking is that Al Shabaab must be stopped at the source, and that can only be done by weakening its attack capability and preventing militias from crossing into Kenya and causing damage.

However, this reasoning is feeble given the fact that even with troops in Somalia and along the border, terrorists have managed to penetrate the porous border into Kenya. They have done this by corrupting Kenyan security officials and colluding with evil characters hiding behind the refugee camps inside Kenya.

There is also pressure from the international community to get Africa to work its own wars. Not a single foreign nation wants to be involved militarily in Somalia, particularly since American soldiers were killed and humiliated on the streets of Mogadishu 17 years ago. Countries that have established diplomatic relations with Somalia have opened embassies not in the war-torn country but in either Nairobi or Djibouti.

For now, there is no timetable for a pull-out and Kenyan troops - which are part of the African force called AMISON - must expect to remain in Somalia for the unforeseeable future regardless of public opinion back home.

On the other hand, if there was one dramatic AU meeting that meeting took place this week. It aroused tremendous interest in Kenya because the country's indefatigable Foreign Minister Amina Mohamed was on the ballot for the prestigious position of chairman.

But just as the meeting divided Africa further into linguistic and regional blocks, so did it polarize Kenyans along political and religious lines.

There were hoots and ovations from opposition supporters happy about Amina's loss and equally, there were echoes of grief and despondency from the government side.

She was defeated by the Chadian Foreign Minister Moussa Faki Mahamat largely because Kenya's neighbors, namely Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, either abandoned her through abstaining or voted for Mahamat in the last crucial round of voting.

What this means is that the simmering schisms which have been brewing below the surface for years among the East African countries are now above deck. Each one of them had reasons of declining to vote for the Kenyan candidate.

Kenya, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, and Tanzania are members of the East African Community, and the events in Addis Ababa this week are likely to drive yet another wedge beyond suspicion and antagonism.

But more than anything else, Amina's clobbering was a personal blow, and an embarrassment, to President Uhuru Kenyatta who sent lobbyists to 53 countries and spent Shs350 million of taxpayer's money in an attempt to secure her victory.

It has also brought to a sudden halt Uhuru's strident desire for recognition as a principal player at the AU.

Now that the Addis Ababa drama has ended Kenyan leaders can go back to the crucial problems facing the country, starting with the biting starvation hitting one third of the population, and the doctors' strike now in its third month.

And that is my say.