NO RAILA, ON THIS ONE, YOU ARE "OFF THE MARK"

In the heat of the American presidential campaign last year Donald Trump threatened to jail his opponent Hilary Clinton if he became president. He accused her of endangering national security through "careless" handling of official e-mails while she was Secretary of State.

The reaction from the media was one of shock and condemnation. Some compared the Republican Party candidate to Russia's Joseph Stalin; others to 'Third World' despots; others called him a 'tin-pot dictator' saying democratically-elected leaders do not intimidate their opponents.

We have heard many similar threats from African dictators, but for a man like Raila Odinga to express similar thoughts if he wins the August elections defies imagination. The unvarnished remarks raised eyebrows last week and caused ripples in the pond among good-spirited nationals.

Speaking in his Nyanza stronghold the leader of the broad-based National Super Alliance, NASA, said he would not spare those linked to plunder and corruption and pointed his finger directly at the ruling Jubilee leaders. He said he would prosecute them.

I understand Raila's concerns. In normal circumstances that would be the way to go. But let us look at the broader picture.

If there is one Kenyan with the strongest democratic credentials in the country that man is Raila Odinga. He has spent all his life fighting for a level playing ground, and paid for his troubles with three detention stints totaling almost nine years - the longest in the country's independent history

He knows about revenge because he experienced it during Jomo Kenyatta's and Daniel Arap Moi's regimes when his father and himself were punished just for opposing one party rule.

He is a pugnacious democrat but also an unflinching patriot. Like many Kenyans he means well for the country. But as noted above democrats don't do such unconventional things.

That corruption is rampant in Uhuru's Administration is not in question, but the same can be said of the previous regimes, one of which Raila served as Prime Minister.

If we are to talk about prosecuting people in Uhuru's government we must do the same to all the others starting with those who served in Jomo Kenyatta's regime. We must round up all the land grabbers, the looters, and the thieves of the past. And not just in government but in all sectors of society.

We must go through the Ndungu Commission on Irregular Land Allocations; the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission, all reports on land clashes, all massacres, all extra-judicial killings, all political assassinations, all corruption scandals, examine all county executives, scrutiniz

e every member of parliament, and so on, and hold the culprits accountable.

In a nutshell, we must indiscriminately prosecute and jail all those found guilty from day one of our independence.

Singling out the leadership of Jubilee is discriminatory, selective, and counter-productive. It percolates turmoil and incites hatred.

Kenya is thoroughly divided at the moment. Suspicion and angst have permeated our society so much so it is a miracle we are still one nation.

In such an environment the country would be wise not to resort to political revenge or retribution.

It is easy in the vicissitudes of politics to make populist statements like the one Raila made, but bringing charges against opponents in a manner that looks vindictive is not a smart move. It smells of hate.

Even Trump - after a second thought - walked away on his threat against Clinton, worried the move could further divide the nation.

So, while I understand the need to correct mistakes of the past, such a move must be broad-based and all-encompassing, and not restricted to the incumbent leadership.

In my view, therefore, Raila went off the mark on this one.

And that is my say.

UHURU KENYATTA USES OLD MOI TRICKS TO WIN VOTES

It is grindingly dizzying to see what Uhuru Kenyatta is doing months to the general elections.

Some of the initiatives the President has announced are so astonishingly outlandish in terms of expenditure that it's difficult to imagine how a country with a 900 billion shilling budget deficit could be so unabashedly extravagant.

Kenyans are already heavily indebted to local and international lenders and recent reports aver each one of us has a price tag of 59,000 shillings.

But this is an election year and the ruling Jubilee government is stretching itself wide and high to ensure it wins a second term in office.

However as one popular columnist likes to say, things are elephant, for Jubilee, as the opposition ramps up its campaign rhetoric.

Call it political expediency.

But should development be based on genuine goals and intentions or on flamboyant show-offs to win power at any cost?

Take the multi-billion shilling mass transport system for Nairobi announced last week. Everyone agrees that the capital city is too congested on pedestrian and vehicular traffic and a faster and a more efficient system of transportation is required to move people.

The long lines of cars in and out of Nairobi often paralyze movement with adverse consequences to the economy. Travelers to and from the airport are delayed and commuters are heavily inconvenienced, all this costing everyone money. So, a mass transportation system makes sense.

But the timing even for the announcement itself is wrong.

The economy is in shambles; tens of thousands of people are dying of hunger; public hospitals are shut down due to a doctors' strike now in its third month. The majority of people do not have affordable health, hunger is everywhere, and water scarcity is widespread pushing women and children to drink contaminated water. Unemployment is hitting the roof and money has gone south.

In a nutshell, life has become a matter of survival for Kenyans. This week, the price of fuel went up for the umpteenth time, ratcheting the standard of living to unmanageable levels.

Everyone knows Jubilee wants to snatch control of the capital Nairobi from opposition hands. But intoxicating Kenyans with staggering financial commitments during these hard times is morally wrong even if reports indicate some of the funds will come from donors.

That is one. The other is the long-drawn saga of doctors' strike.

As I write, the government is preparing new pay packets for 600,000 civil servants whose salaries and house allowances are to go up. Twenty-six billion shillings have been budgeted for that purpose.

There is nothing wrong for civil servants to get an occasional pay increase. But how about the doctors who fall under a different category? Why cant we just sort them out once and for all instead of playing roulette with human lives.

This week their leaders spent a few nights in jail for disobeying a court order to return to work. That was a sacrifice they had to make to drive home their demands.

Unfortunately, the strike has now been politicized, thanks to the government's obstinacy.

The new pay scales for civil servants' salary - to be released in July, a month to the polls - sound like an election strategy to win favor from this large group of workers.

Newspapers are already speculating that this year's budget will be an 'election budget' with the government allocating huge amounts of money for pet projects between now and election day to lure votes.

Another example of political expediency was the decision a few weeks ago to create the 43rd tribe in Kenya by extending citizenship to 5,000 Makonde tribesmen. If this was not a scheme to corruptly lure the Mozambiqans to vote for Jubilee then I don't know what it is.

These people refused to return home despite pleas from their Embassy. The ease in which they were given Kenyan citizenship is baffling. My view is that Kenya has no business nationalizing them.

Why haven't the Nubians from South Sudan who have been in Kenya since the end of World War not been equally recognized for nationalization? Is it because they reside in an opposition stronghold and are unlikely to vote for the ruling party?

Then, there is the circus of title deeds. Every time elections beckon there is heightened vigor on the part of the ruling regime to distribute titles to the landless even if some of them are fake. This time around things are not any different.

Usually once the incumbent wins, the titles momentarily become useless not honored by banks and disputed by lands authorities.

Any move to dangle 'goodies' in front of people in exchange for votes is corruption. It is an old trick inherited from Mzee Moi that has no place in our political life today

.

And that is my say.

DUMP JUBILEE, DITCH NASA, GO 'SMALL' AND ELECT THE MAN FROM TURKANA

Two observations Kenyans have often shared relate to the political domination of certain tribes in the leadership of the country and associated concerns over the growing build-up of ruling dynasties.

Fact: Kikuyu and Kalenjin are the only tribes that have ruled Kenya for the past 50 years.

If the Jubilee duo of Uhuru Kenyatta a Kikuyu, and William Ruto a Kalenjin, retain the Executive in August and hold on to power for the next 15 years as their hearts desire, then by 2032 the two tribes would have ruled Kenya for 70 years.

According to the battle plan of the ruling Jubilee party, Uhuru will trounce the opposition in the coming general elections, govern for a second five-year term, then hand over to his Deputy to rule for ten years.

As far-fetched as this might sound, the thought of Kenya being dominated by two communities for a whole generation is not only scary but induces a feeling of vertigo.

When will an Orma, a Masai, a Mijikenda, or

any of the other smaller tribes ever get a chance?

On the other hand, should Jubilee lose and one of the key opposition principals wins, then the chain of dual domination would be broken. It means either Raila Odinga a Luo, Kalonzo Musyoka a Kamba, Musalia Mudavadi a Luhya, or Moses Wetangula a Luhya, of the new alliance NASA, will unhinge the conundrum of tribalism that for five decades has influenced Kenyan politics.

That brings me to the growing power of political dynasties. If former President Daniel Arap Moi had not crowned Uhuru in 2002, things would probably not have turned out to be what they are today.

George Saitoti, half Kikuyu and half Masai, was ready to serve so was Raila and others in KANU but they were not given a chance as Moi preferred Uhuru, scion of his much revered predecessor.

But even before Kasarani, it was Moi who brought in Musalia Mudavadi, Katana Ngala, and Ken Mmaitsi into the political arena to inherit seats left vacant by the death of their fathers who were among the President's close allies. The last two had to abandon university studies to honor Moi's wishes. That, to my opinion, was the beginning of the dynasty formation.

And when in 2007 he encouraged his sons Jonathan, Raymond and Gideon, to vie for political seats, it was a further reaffirmation of Moi's desire to keep politics in the hands of his and a few powerful families.

Gideon's ambition to ascend to the highest office in the land is still intact and the families of Kenyatta and Moi are still tight as seen recently in the visit to the former President by Uhuru's mother, Mama Ngina Kenyatta. Whether the meeting had political connotations is yet to be seen but speculation is rife that Gideon's KANU may support Uhuru's candidature.

In the meantime, the dynastic epidemic is spreading faster than most people think. Both Uhuru and Ruto are preparing their sons to enter politics and hopefully take over when they leave. Raila's daughter, Rosemary, has already plunged herself into the political murk as a candidate for a seat her father once held. Both Raila's brother and sister are prominent members of the political elite. Kalonzo Musyoka is not far off. He too is training his son to enter politics.

What this means is that if things continue as they are, the only people who will govern Kenya will be members of elite families all the way up to the end of the century and beyond.

Kenyans can do something about this. And the solution is as simple as it is translucent. Let us ditch all those mentioned above and embrace the common business promotional meme: 'small is big.'

Until now, the 'big' (in numbers) has been overshadowing the 'small' to an extent the latter has become invisible.

Let me explain further. There is a 'small' candidate out there we have been ignoring who deserves our attention. His name is Ekuru Aukot.

This 43-year old man comes from the pastoralist Turkana village of Kapedo in northern Kenya, one of the remote, forgotten regions. Until oil was discovered there a few years ago, the region was known only as a cattle rustlers' paradise where clans fought for control of pasture and water.

But even with the oil, the Turkana community is 'voiceless' and under threat of diminishing due to perennial famine and hunger. It is a hardship station which the British colonialists used as the detention point for Jomo Kenyatta and five of his colleagues in the heydays of the Mau Mau rebellion.

Yet despite all its backwardness, the community was able to produce a person who went to become a constitutional lawyer with a reputation that goes beyond the Kenyan borders. As a consultant in demand, he has helped half a dozen countries review their constitutions, and served in the same capacity in Kenya.

With a PhD from the UK-based University of Warwick, Aukot is the most educated presidential candidate ever. His anti-corruption stance is known. And because he comes from a small tribe, he believes tribalism has no place in Kenya. He is charismatic, brilliant, and is blessed with down-to-earth charm.

If there is one man who can tackle corruption and reform the way the Executive, Parliament, and the Judiciary, conduct business, it is Aukot.

This man could be the double-sword solution we are looking for. If elected President through his Thirdway Alliance, Aukot could be the one to slay the dynasty concept and extinguish the trail of tribalism that is eating our country from within.

Just think about it.

And that is my say.

AMINA'S DEFEAT A PERSONAL BLOW TO UHURU KENYATTA

Two significant events occurred this week in the eastern African region that stewed emotions and anger of Kenyans in equal measure.

One was the murderous attack on members of the Kenya Defens

e Force (KDF) by suicide bombers of the terrorist group Al Shabaab at a remote outpost called Kulbiyow, 18 kilometers from the Kenyan border, that stirred memories of past terror attacks.

The other was the voting of the Chairman of the African Union (AU) Commission in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, an event which brimmed with geo-political undertones, connivance, and intrigues.

The early morning explosions left unspecified number of Kenyan soldiers dead, and brought to the fore once again, the menace of terrorism in a country which has seen numerous terror attacks in past years with deadly consequences. The attack also reinforced the message to the world that Al Shabaab, a branch of Al Queda, is alive and active despite reports that it was diminishing and on the run.

The buzz it created in the media rekindled a critical debate regarding Kenya's presence in a country that has not seen peace since the overthrow of dictator Siad Barre in 1991.

Why should Kenya sacrifice its soldiers in Somalia? Many asked. And, why don't Kenyans walk away and leave Somalia to deal with its own internal insecurities?

Kenyan authorities do not want to discuss these questions for various reasons. One, it has to do with its own safety. Nairobi's thinking is that Al Shabaab must be stopped at the source, and that can only be done by weakening its attack capability and preventing militias from crossing into Kenya and causing damage.

However, this reasoning is feeble given the fact that even with troops in Somalia and along the border, terrorists have managed to penetrate the porous border into Kenya. They have done this by corrupting Kenyan security officials and colluding with evil characters hiding behind the refugee camps inside Kenya.

There is also pressure from the international community to get Africa to work its own wars. Not a single foreign nation wants to be involved militarily in Somalia, particularly since American soldiers were killed and humiliated on the streets of Mogadishu 17 years ago. Countries that have established diplomatic relations with Somalia have opened embassies not in the war-torn country but in either Nairobi or Djibouti.

For now, there is no timetable for a pull-out and Kenyan troops - which are part of the African force called AMISON - must expect to remain in Somalia for the unforeseeable future regardless of public opinion back home.

On the other hand, if there was one dramatic AU meeting that meeting took place this week. It aroused tremendous interest in Kenya because the country's indefatigable Foreign Minister Amina Mohamed was on the ballot for the prestigious position of chairman.

But just as the meeting divided Africa further into linguistic and regional blocks, so did it polarize Kenyans along political and religious lines.

There were hoots and ovations from opposition supporters happy about Amina's loss and equally, there were echoes of grief and despondency from the government side.

She was defeated by the Chadian Foreign Minister Moussa Faki Mahamat largely because Kenya's neighbors, namely Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, either abandoned her through abstaining or voted for Mahamat in the last crucial round of voting.

What this means is that the simmering schisms which have been brewing below the surface for years among the East African countries are now above deck. Each one of them had reasons of declining to vote for the Kenyan candidate.

Kenya, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, and Tanzania are members of the East African Community, and the events in Addis Ababa this week are likely to drive yet another wedge beyond suspicion and antagonism.

But more than anything else, Amina's clobbering was a personal blow, and an embarrassment, to President Uhuru Kenyatta who sent lobbyists to 53 countries and spent Shs350 million of taxpayer's money in an attempt to secure her victory.

It has also brought to a sudden halt Uhuru's strident desire for recognition as a principal player at the AU.

Now that the Addis Ababa drama has ended Kenyan leaders can go back to the crucial problems facing the country, starting with the biting starvation hitting one third of the population, and the doctors' strike now in its third month.

And that is my say.